Against capital, its crisis and its war to build the revolutionary alternative to this system

Today as never before the May 1st deadline condenses huge problems for the class of the exploited.

The unstoppable course of the crisis of capital is building all the conditions for a new war conflict between imperialist powers, in the perspective of a third world war.

For the bosses, war is the moment of imperialist partition.
For our class this translates into: crisis, war, war economy, sacrifices, proletarian bloodshed at the front, misery and exploitation in the rear, tightening of all the repressive measures that war synthesises to the highest degree. This is what the exploited suffer in every corner of the world, no matter what language they speak, what colour they are, what their nationality and gender. That is why being internationalist means first and foremost to measure oneself against the general interests of the international proletariat against those of the imperialist bourgeoisie of every latitude and colour. It is in this meaning, and only in this meaning, that the watchword of the ‘enemy at home’ can and must also find meaning, without any misunderstanding whatsoever in the fight against one’s own bourgeoisie.

It is therefore concretely posed to every militant comrades and vanguards to assume a strategy with an internationalist dimension to their actions, the need to build a political pole of reference functional to the construction of a revolutionary political outlet, out of the shoals of every “inter-nationalist” equivocation, of a sterile economism and inconclusive ideologism, out of individualistic self-referentiality: this is the qualitative leap that is imposed on us.

In recent years at world level, our class has measured itself against the costs that the imperialist bourgeoisie has heaped upon it. It has done so spontaneously, even with high levels of conflict, but often restricted to the immediate motives that drove it and to individual national spheres. Flashes of class clashes flared up here and there and even when they appeared dull and dormant, they flared up again and touched other places. Now even the heart of the imperialist metropolis in Europe has been hit by this wind.

The struggles in France should make us see above all the problems that these class revivals pose under the pressure of the crisis. The resumption of class struggle, where it occurs, never solves the political problems of revolutionaries; on the contrary, while it constitutes a favourable situation for political work, it makes them more complex to tackle.

The struggles in France pose the problem of the recomposition of proletarian interests both in the immediate struggle, against the raising of the retirement age, and in the perspective, a prolet even there fragmented by restructuring, productive and social processes. They also pose the triple problem of the generalisation of the struggle, its resilience and the character of the content expressed in the face of the attack by the French bourgeoisie.

The struggles in France then pose the problem of confronting/clashing with the anaesthetising political envelope of the trade union management of the movement, and thus the need for its overcoming, as well as that of confronting the repressive initiative – direct and preventive – of the state, called upon to restructure in the name of the sacrifices imposed by the crisis, for the war economy and participation in the war.

The struggles in France finally pose the militant vanguards with the need to measure themselves as much with the demands of development, on a more advanced basis, of the general movement as with the problems of advancing the revolutionary hypothesis in the real progress of events. We too, here and now, have the same kinds of problems. In order not to be rhetorical or reduce ourselves to the vague wish “let’s do like France!”, the reference to that context must be taken up in all its valence and problematicity, in order to transport it to the revolutionary construction plane.

The fight against the policies of the bourgeoisie must always contain within it the revolutionary perspective element of a class anti-capitalism. This means that in every condition and sphere the concrete problems of building the organisation and instruments of the revolutionary initiative must be put into practice. Overcoming our current limitations can only start with these questions.

Revolution is an urgent necessity, let us equip ourselves as soon as possible with the tools to achieve it.

Internationalist Laboratory for Revolutionary Organisation